tags :: communist partyorganizing
This idea comes from this episodeof the Regrettable Century.
Should a hypothetical communist party have its own proprietary social media for organizing? Access to this form of social media could be granted and revoked with party membership.
This seems like a possible vector for abuse. Who moderates it? What would stop party heads from just deleting posts they don't like?
[[Alternative media]]. [[social media]].
Perhaps, rather than producing entirely new alternative platforms, the task for radical developers is to identify suites of existing platforms that are most useful to selforganisation and to then find ways of integrating these in ways that allow for coordination (for example, by being able to send and receive WhatsApp messages from a platform like Loomio).
β [[Anarchist Cybernetics]]
More expansive than [[Crabgrass]], [[Lorea]] networks allowed for customisable profile pages and dashboards, wikis, collaborative writing pads, blogs, task managers, status updates and private messaging, affiliations with and between groups and a federal structure for groups and networks.
β [[Anarchist Cybernetics]]
any alternative digital platform ought to have a direct link between whatever decisionmaking functions it houses and the facetoface decisionmaking procedures of the organisation using it.
β [[Anarchist Cybernetics]]
An alternative platform would need to ensure that filtering for noise and overload was, at the very least, open to democratic oversight, if not the product of direct participatory engagement, for instance through popular content floating to the surface, as it were, through a voting procedure.
β [[Anarchist Cybernetics]]
When we explore alternative social media platforms that are designed specifically for selforganisation, we need to remember that these ought to be seen as aids for offline organising, and as such, as infrastructures that support facetoface discussion and action rather than as an entirely separate sphere that radical politics
β [[Anarchist Cybernetics]]
Some of the earliest online social media emerged through [[Indymedia]]βs coverage of anti-capitalist protests.
[[Twitter]] has its roots in technology for coordinating street protests
In the area of the Internet, a socialist strategy can try to resist the commodification of the Internet and the exploitation of users by trying to claim the common and participatory character of the Internet with the help of protests, legal measures, alternative projects based on the ideas of free access/ content/software and creative commons, wage campaigns, unionization of social media prosumers, boycotts, hacktivism, the creation of public service- and commons-based social media, etc.
our reasoning is that everything is social. Political activities are social. Economic activities are social. Artistic activities are social. The way we work and coordinate activities⦠is social.
There’s a chapter called exactly this, "Building Alternative Social Media" in [[Anarchist Cybernetics]] on this.
With a list of desirable features:
I like this list. Is it solely social media though? What explicitly is [[social media]]?
Anyway, I would probably advocate to attain the above in a patterny / Unixy way I feel. i.e. bridge and glue together the different pieces, avoid a behemoth platform.
I suppose a behemoth matters less if it’s libre. But it feels like the pieces are already there to glue together, so don’t reinvent the wheel.
Outlined in [[Anarchist Cybernetics]]:
Approaching the critique of social media with this type of political economic analysis in mind also serves to draw attention to the material aspects of digital media. Fuchs (2014: 119ββ20) highlights the manual labour that goes into mining the minerals required for producing the physical devices used to access digital media, such as smartphones and tablet computers, as well as the conditions of labour in the factories assembling these devices. The material economic cost to human beings, in places like China and the Democratic Republic of Congo, of making digital media possible ought also to be taken into consideration when discussing the appropriateness of social media platforms for anarchist and radical organising. This is especially true if such organising is framed in terms of prefigurative politics. Can action aimed at bringing relationships of solidarity and mutual aid into being be based on such dire and exploitative working conditions?
β [[Anarchist Cybernetics]]
Without persistent groups or organisations, [[Instagram]]βs eminent form of shared ex perience is the viral image, which circulates an affective impression of shared experi- ence. To spread, the image must be the kind of image that would spread, according to the tastes of the posterβs followers and the secret churning of the platformβs engineer- ing. An announcement for next weekβs union meeting may not qualify. An organiser trying to strengthen workersβ bonds isnβt interested in infecting them like a virus.
But the economy of virality does not bow to the drudgery or urgency of self-organisation. Platforms optimise for βengagementβ through chatter β not decision, resolution, or consensus. Community control is not in the specification.
Social media anticipate a full sociality of human existence, but in their corporate form this potential is limited by capitalist structures of ownership and capital accumulation.
[[social media]] a la [[Twitter]], [[Mastodon]].
[[Municipalist]] [[social media]].
A way of helping people and organisations to transition away from [[legacy social media]]. Providing easy on-ramps to P2P or federated social media. Municipally-hosted platforms that any resident can get an account on. Any local business, too.
Municipal instances. Allows for local residents and businesses to have a friction-free place to microblog without maintaining own infrastructure. Based on a protocol that works P2P/federated. Anyone is free to move to any other hosting option anywhere else should they ever wish to. Data sovereignty.
Councils work with local tech co-ops to maintain / host. Co-ops contribute to upstream software development, so that it grows. That combined labour multiplied across munipalities around the world allows for genuine alternative to big tech firms. But it’s not state-controlled, it’s via a federation of municipalities.
Refer to [[A Cooperative Vision for Technological Innovation w/ Dan Hind]] for some thoughts.
[[The Preston Model]] approach of having anchor institutions invest in local community providers might make senes here.
RT @chespace@mstdn.social π¨ holy fucking shit π¨
#socialmedia #twittermigration #twitter #fediverse https://t.co/77FAlzzRJt https://t.co/1BcljaliON
An internal reflection: why do I seem to care about [[social media]] so much?
[[Social media is important because everything is social]].
Social media, in so far as it creates an environment in which decentralised and dispersed communication networks can function, is one of the key architectures that allow for [[many-to-many communication]]; and to the extent that these networked organisation forms mirror the kind of organisation anarchism is concerned with, social media can be explored as providing potential sites for anarchist politics.
β [[Anarchist Cybernetics]]
[[Arab spring]]. [[Twitter and Tear Gas]].
Social media platforms, in so far as they facilitate interactive communication and organisation, have the potential to play a central role in anarchist cybernetics and thus anarchist (self) organisation more broadly.
β [[Anarchist Cybernetics]]